Do it yourself: India

Showing posts with label India. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 18, 2025

Where did we lose our way?

My engagement with Indian financial markets began in the late 1980s, at a time when the winds of reform had just started sweeping through the economy. What followed in the 1990s was a structural reset — the kind that lays the foundation for decades of growth, even if its full implications aren’t immediately visible.

The decade of 1990s witnessed –

(i) An overhaul of the financial sector with abolition of capital controls, opening of doors for the foreign portfolio investors, entry of private banks in the markets, material liberalization of the rules for non-bank lenders (NBFCs); laying foundation for pension and insurance sector reforms;

(ii) Significant liberalization of the industrial licensing system; material dilution of the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act and Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, de-reservation of several articles from Small Scale Industries, introduction of Liberalized Exchange Rate Management System (LERMS), etc.;

(iii) India becoming a signatory of the World Trade Organization. (Of course, India was a signatory to the GATT since 1948);

(iv) Simplification of excise classifications, introduction of VAT and MODVAT, material reduction in maximum marginal rates of IT Act and simplification of rules;

(v) Beginning of disinvestment and divestment process in public sector enterprises (PSEs). The government initiated disinvestment of its stake in many non-strategic PSEs. More importantly, the government divested government monopolies in core sectors like Oil& gas, Power, Coal, Roads, Ports, Civil Aviation, Communication, etc.

(vi) India gained recognition as a major center of information technology (IT) and pharmaceutical research and development center in the world. For the first time, thousands of Indian professionals (Software Engineers & developers, Bankers, doctors and Managers) started working and travelling across the globe, unlike decades when Indian worker mostly got low paid blue-collar jobs.

(vii) Strategically, India was recognized as a country having a nuclear deterrent. Significant advances were made in development of missile and space research technologies.

All these developments gain higher importance when we consider that this was the era of significant political instability (minority governments 1989-1995, and then three general elections during 1995-1998) and financial constraints (Balance of Payment crisis in early 1990s, economic sanctions post nuclear tests in 1998, massive stock market scams, financial sector crisis and bankruptcy of multiple development financial institutions like UTI, IDBI, ICICI, IFCI).

More notably, till 1990 Indian and Chinese economies were mostly at par. We could even say that India had a marginal edge over China as it had wider global acceptance due to its democratic traditions. China also started its economic transformation around the same time. In 35 years, the Chinese economy has sprinted miles ahead of the Indian economy. No one, not even Indian politicians, is claiming that we are even in the race to bridge this gap in the foreseeable future.

This morning, I am writing this after reading about 20 equity research reports. All these reports, without even a single exception, have expressed worries about inflation and CAD due to the spike in crude oil prices in the global markets. It felt like déjà vu.

Back in 1990-91, as the Gulf War broke out, crude prices spiked and sparked the same anxiety. Three decades on, monsoon dependency and crude oil shocks remain headline risks for the Indian economy. Three decades later, nothing seems to have really changed - we’re still haunted by monsoon uncertainties and oil shocks.

Despite a decade of brave reforms and a globalized capital base, India’s macro vulnerabilities remain eerily similar. Our reforms deepened markets and broadened participation, but left key structural risks unaddressed.

So, the question we need to ask is “where did we lose our way in the past couple of decades?”

To me, India’s growth story remains compelling, but ignoring its macro vulnerabilities is difficult. The past teaches us resilience but the future demands vigilance.

Tuesday, June 17, 2025

Israel-Iran Conflict: Implications for India’s Economy and Markets

The Middle East is once again a tinderbox, with the escalating Israel-Iran conflict threatening to spiral into a broader global crisis. Unlike the recent Indo-Pak hostilities, which remained contained, this clash carries the potential to draw in multiple nations, disrupting global trade and energy markets. For India, which is heavily reliant on energy imports, the stakes are high. While India has reiterated its neutral stance, the ripple effects of a prolonged conflict could significantly impact its energy security, inflation, current account balance, INR exchange rate, fiscal stability, and overall economic growth prospects.

This global flashpoint could have local consequences

The Israel-Iran conflict differs starkly from localized India and Pakistan military engagements. With China and Pakistan openly backing Iran, and Russia potentially supplying critical defense equipment should the U.S. directly support Israel, the geopolitical fault lines are deepening.

For India, this presents both risks and opportunities. The alignment of China, Pakistan, and potentially Russia with Iran could provide India an opening to mend recent strains in its ties with the U.S. and Europe. Strengthened diplomatic and economic alignment with the West could bolster India’s strategic position, particularly in securing foreign direct investment (FDI) and defense collaborations.

However, the immediate concern for India lies in its energy security. The Middle East accounts for a significant portion of India’s oil and gas imports. A protracted conflict could disrupt supply chains, spike global oil prices, and inflate India’s oil import bill. This would exert upward pressure on inflation, widen the current account deficit, and weaken the INR, potentially forcing the government to stretch its fiscal resources to stabilize the economy. While India is unlikely to be directly or indirectly involved in the conflict, the economic fallout could still be substantial if the situation escalates.

Uncertainty prevails

Despite these risks, there’s reason to believe the conflict may not spiral out of control. Cooler heads may prevail, leading to a ceasefire to avert a wider war. If this scenario unfolds, the impact on India’s economy and markets is likely to remain limited. Indian enterprises with economic interests in both Iran and Israel—spanning sectors like technology, agriculture, and energy—may face temporary disruptions, but the broader market impact could be contained.

However, should the conflict intensify and Western forces enter the fray, the consequences could be far-reaching. Disruptions in global trade routes, particularly through the Strait of Hormuz, could choke energy supplies, sending shockwaves through India’s economy. Such a scenario would test India’s policy framework, with missteps potentially jeopardizing long-term energy security, FDI inflows, and employment opportunities in the Middle East, where millions of Indian expatriate work.

What Investors should do?

For Indian investors and traders, the heightened volatility in global markets presents both temptation and peril. Navigating such uncertainty requires specialized skills that most retail investors lack. Attempting to capitalize on market swings driven by geopolitical developments is a high-risk game best left to professionals. The prudent course is to stay on the sidelines, closely monitor developments, and avoid impulsive decisions.

India’s policymakers, too, must tread carefully. A balanced approach that safeguards energy security, preserves economic ties with both Iran and Israel, and capitalizes on potential geopolitical alignments will be critical. Any miscalculation could undermine India’s long-term economic interests, particularly in a region as vital as the Middle East.

The road ahead

As the Israel-Iran conflict unfolds, India finds itself in a delicate position. While direct involvement is unlikely, the economic and geopolitical ramifications demand close watch. For now, the hope is that diplomacy prevails and a broader conflict is averted, minimizing disruptions. However, investors and policymakers alike must remain cautious, prioritizing stability over speculative risk-taking. In these uncertain times, watching from the fringes may be the wisest strategy.

Tuesday, November 26, 2024

Speculating Trump’s second term

President elect of the US, Donald Trump has already designated key members of his team. Based on his election agenda, speeches and rhetoric and personal views of his designated team members, market participants are speculating about the likely policy framework of Trump 2.0 administration, and its implications for the global trade and markets.

My personal view is that the actual agenda of governance might have some shades of the election rhetoric but its actual path may not materially deviate from the trend seen in the post GFC (2009) period. At this point in time, I do not expect to sight any black swan in global economics and/or markets. With this caveat, let me summarize the current market speculations and its likely impact on India.

Trade tariffs

Trump has been speaking about imposing high tariffs on the US merchandise imports to promote local manufacturing, cut US trade deficit and strengthen USD. He has been suggesting 20% universal tariff on all imports, 60% tariff on imports from China and restrictions on the trade partners that he believes have artificially undervalued their currencies to gain trade surplus with the US. India is seen as one of these currency manipulating countries.

The administration will have to assess the impact of higher tariffs on businesses that are heavily reliant on imported inputs. Besides, the present US infrastructure and worker pool may not be adequate to onshore much of manufacturing activities. The impact of higher tariffs on the monetary policy objectives will also need to be calibrated.

Trump 1.0 started a manufacturing renaissance of sorts in the US, through tax incentives, tariffs and favorable skilled worker immigration policies. The Biden administration has carried forward the Trump 1.0 agenda and provided added further impetus though It would be reasonable to assume that trend will continue. There may be some random measures taken to address the political constituency, but a universal restrictive tariff policy (if at all implemented) will take much longer, maybe a couple of years, to evolve. A trade taken on the likely contours of the tariff policy may be frustrating.

In this context, it would be pertinent to note the comments of Michael Feroli, chief US economist at JPMorgan. Feroli said, “One path sees tax cuts and deregulation unleashing animal spirits, thereby boosting productivity growth and GDP outcomes while keeping inflation well-contained. The other path foresees policy uncertainty hindering growth, while trade and immigration restrictions impart a stagflationary bias.”

Collateral

Presuming Trump carries out his threat of a 60% tariff on Chinese imports – it may have consequences for most of the trade partners of the US and China. Some of the tariff hikes may be absorbed through CNY devaluation like China did in 2018; but some of it will have to be shared by the US consumers and producers. This essentially means higher US inflation and lower corporate profitability. China may dump the surplus production on Non-US importers, impacting local producers in those markets – thus exporting deflation throughout the world.

The Indian chemical sector, for example, which has already been suffering from Chinese price cuts may suffer further damage. Considering the massive capacity addition in the past 5-6 years and leveraged balance sheets, some of these companies might not be able to survive.

Energy policy

Trump has designated Chris Wright to head the energy department. Wright has been a known supporter of fossil fuels, disregarding the threat of climate change. He believes that the oil and gas industry has brought security and power and development to the United States, and global emissions aren't going down with greater focus on clean energy. He famously rejected carbon dioxide as a pollutant, claiming “carbon is essential for life”.

In the words of Wright, “Climate change is a real and global challenge that we should and can address. However, representing it as the most urgent threat to humanity today displaces concerns about more pressing threats of malnutrition, access to clean water, air pollution, endemic diseases, and human rights, among others.” He therefore advocates a need to bring down the price of energy and secure energy independence for the US.

Anticipating higher US oil production and return of thermal power in favor, the traders are placing a trade on fossil fuel – buying coal miners, fracking companies and drilling equipment manufacturers.

If Trump-Wright energy doctrine is actually implemented it would mean – collapse of United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP), sharp rise in the US oil production and exports resulting in lower global crude prices, decline in clean energy subsidies resulting in poor demand growth for solar energy and EVs.

In the past one-decade massive investment has been made in the production and adoption of clean energy solutions for electricity and mobility needs. The viability of these investments, especially in emerging economies where viability gap is already funded through fiscal support, would need to be reassessed.

Collateral

A 20% duty hike on the Indian exports may hurt some of the Indian exporters, as they may not be able to pass on the whole of the duty hike to the importers.

Cheaper oil may hurt the economies of OPEC countries, which are major trade partners, investors and employment providers for India.

Cheaper oil may help current account, inflation and INR.

Immigration policy

Immigration was a core issue in the entire campaign of Trump. He promised strict action against all illegal immigrants and several restrictive actions against the legal immigrants. We have heard similar rhetoric during the election campaign of Geroge Bush jr, Hillary Clinton, and Trump 1.0 etc.

It is widely accepted that ~47 million immigrants form a critical element of the US economy. They support the US businesses by providing a highly skilled workforce; boost federal revenue by paying taxes and contribution to social security; support the economy through high rates of savings and investments; and are an important consumer group.

President-elect Trump has indicated that his administration plans to carry out mass detentions and deportations of millions of immigrants, including long-term residents, by declaring national emergency and deploying armed forces to carry out deportation exercises. This could lead to family separations and negative mental and physical health consequences. This could potentially create widespread civil unrest, affecting the mental and social health of millions and the health of several small businesses who employ these immigrants. It is also feared that there could also be higher taxes on legal foreign workers.

Collateral

Uncertainty about jobs and residential status and higher taxes could result in lower job opportunities for the Indian workers employed in the US, negatively impacting remittances. Tougher VISA norms and immigration policies may also have some negative impact on the margins of the Indian IT services companies.

Geopolitics

George Washington implemented a policy of isolationism and neutrality with regards to the internal affairs of other nations. The successive US presidents followed this policy till the president Wilson was forced to change it in the wake of threats to the American interests that emerged from the first World War. In April 1917, the US entered the war with Germany “to make the world safe for democracy”. In the past 107 years, the US has followed this doctrine in its foreign policy.

Trump has now vowed to revert to the policy of isolationism and neutrality. Many geopolitical experts fear that this will end a major deterrent to the global expansionist forces like China and Russia, and could potentially unleash some major wars.

In my view, Trump may not hurry to a policy of isolationism and neutrality. I believe the US derives most of its power from the bombs they dropped in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This nuclear deterrent has kept most expansionist ambitions at pay in the post WWII era.

The promise of liberty, fairness and equal opportunity has tremendously enhanced the US’s power. It has enabled it to attract and retain top talent from their adversaries like Vietnam, Japan, China, Russia, East Europe, Iran, Cuba, etc. and even talent starved countries like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh etc. The US will be able to retain its supremacy only as long as these immigrants are loyal to the US and the US administration is ready to bomb any country to protect the world order.

(PS: A large number of people believe that “the save democracy” democracy doctrine of the US is a façade to camouflage its own expansionist agenda. There are strong arguments on both sides of this belief. I would not like to get into that debate here.)

Collateral

If the US does revert to the policy of isolationism and neutrality by cutting aid to the countries like Ukraine and Israel, we may witness widespread unrest globally. This will unfold the worst human tragedy since WWII.

Besides the above mentioned factors, there are speculations about the trajectory of USD, Rates, Crypto, Gold during the second term of Trump. I believe that these all are derivative factors which would depend on the macro policies of the new US administration. It may be too early to call a good trade on these.

Wednesday, June 26, 2024

Growing like ginger-2

Urbanization is intrinsic to development and often serves as a major driver of economic growth. As India reaches tipping point of transitioning from a mostly rural to an urban society, the focus must be on ensuring the best opportunities for economic growth for all sections of the society. — Dr. Rajiv Kumar, Former Vice Chairman, NITI Aayog

In October 2020, the NITI Aayog formed an Advisory Committee on ‘Reforms in Urban Planning Capacity in India’, to find ways to face the multiple challenges being faced in the cities and India’s commitments towards global agendas. After extensive deliberation with domain experts and think tanks, the Committee presented its report in September 2021. The highlights of the report are summarized below.

· India is the second largest urban system in the world with almost 11% of the total global urban population living in Indian cities. In absolute numbers, the urban population in India is more than highly urbanized countries/regions across the globe. Observing India’s urbanization through Western lens has become a practice . Experience has shown that such objectivity diminishes the motivation and confidence needed to generate innovative solutions for indigenous problems. Indian cities are different from their Western counterparts in terms of culture, demography, lifestyle and so on. Adopting Western practices without tailoring them to suit Indian needs is not advisable.

· India’s urban story may be lauded globally or suffer irreversible damages in the next 10-15 years depending upon corrective policy measures and actions taken at the beginning of this decade.

· Over the years, cities have expanded and become burdened by the stresses and strains of unplanned urbanization, the brunt of which is faced by the poor and the marginalised, the biodiversity and the economy.

· In urban areas, land is confronted with competing uses due to market forces, social necessities, as well as environmental concerns.

· Issues like lack of availability of serviced land, traffic congestion, pressure on basic infrastructure, extreme air pollution, urban flooding, water scarcity and droughts are not merely a reflection of infrastructural shortcomings in the cities. These issues indicate a deep and substantial lack of adequate urban planning and governance frameworks.

· Urban planning, which is the foundation for the integrated development of cities, citizens, and the environment, has not received adequate attention. A study conducted by TCPO and NIUA for NITI Aayog indicates that over 12,000 posts for town planners are required in the State town and country planning departments. This is in stark contrast to the present situation. There are fewer than 4000 sanctioned positions for ‘town planners’ in these departments, half of which are lying vacant.

· A significant proportion of urbanization in the country is unacknowledged and unaddressed. Almost half of the 7933 ‘urban’ settlements are census towns, that is, they continue to be governed as ‘rural’ entities. Small and medium towns face vulnerabilities due to rapid growth and inadequate planning. 65% of the 7933 urban settlements do not have any master plan.

· In many cities, development control regulations were formulated several decades ago and have been updated arbitrarily without sufficient empirical evidence on their impacts

· The transfer of the urban planning function from States/UTs to elected urban local governments did not happen as was envisaged through the Constitutional (Seventy-Fourth amendment) Act 1992. Many agencies are involved in urban planning, implementation, infrastructure development at the city as well as State levels. The existing framework has become complex, which often leads to overlapping of functions, lack of accountability and coordination, time delays, resource wastage, etc.

· Massive capacities for problem-solving, innovation, and ideation are required to address the present and future challenges in the planning and management of cities, towns, villages and their infrastructure. It may not be feasible to create such capacities in the public sector given the size and scale of urbanisation in India. However, the ecosystem of the private sector in urban planning domain has remained under-developed.

· The country has been producing graduates with degrees such as Bachelor of Planning since more than 3 decades and Master of Planning since early 1950s. However, so far, the urban planning profession has not yet gained a strong and unique identity of its own. As a result, prospective employers, unaware of these courses and skill sets of available graduates, end up hiring professionals from other disciplines to undertake the tasks of planning, thereby creating a negative feedback loop.

The Committee suggested measures to strengthen the three pillars of cumulative urban planning capacity in the country: public sector, education/research sector, and private sector. The suggestions include programmatic intervention for planning of healthy cities, optimum utilization of urban land, ramping up human resources, re-engineering urban governance, involving citizens in urban planning, building local leadership, and enhance participation of private sector.

The committee advised that “The political leadership, decision-makers and planners need to reach a common consensus that a promise to save the environment from the strains of urbanization is a promise of economic growth in the long run. The road to reform may be long. Collaborative, concerted and cooperative efforts are required to strengthen the urban planning capacity of the country. The moment to start is now, if the country has to keep pace with the emerging demands of time.”

The finance minister took cognizance of the report and devoted six paragraphs in the budget speech of February 2022, while presenting the union budget for 2022-23. The FM proposed setting up a high-level committee of urban planners and economists to make recommendations on urban sector policies, capacity building, planning, implementation, and governance. She pledged support to the states for urban capacity building. Five existing academic institutions in different regions were designated as centers of excellence with endowment funds of INR 250 crore each, tasked to develop India-specific knowledge in urban planning and design.

I hope we shall see some results in the current tenure of the NDA government.

Also see Growing like ginger - 1

Wednesday, June 5, 2024

Agenda for the new government

A new central government will assume office in India, in a few days. This is a great opportunity to look at the current state of affairs with a new perspective and reorient the policy framework.

The present state of the Indian economy is characterized by the rising incidence of unemployment, disguised unemployment, and underemployment; higher than acceptable socio-economic inequality; strong and rising intellectual and skill inequality; gradually bridging but still high regional imbalances; low productivity especially in the agriculture sector; oversized government with abysmal level of decentralization; incapacitating supply constraints, especially in social and physical infrastructure terms; and trust deficit at all levels. A younger demography provides high potential in terms of growing workforce and consumption demand. However, the potential remains under-exploited due to low skill levels, lack of adequate employment opportunities, financial and social exclusion, and disillusionment of youth due to political indifference and poor governance standards.

I suggest the following 15-point program for overcoming many of these problems and exploiting the tremendous potential of the Indian economy that has been widely recognized. I shall discuss these points in some detail in the coming days.

1. Take convincing measures to bridge the trust deficit between society and public institutions.

2. Overhaul the education system to make it job-oriented. Inculcate enterprising skills in students from the primary level.

Emphasize developing traits like discipline, social responsibility, empathy, cleanliness, sustainability, tolerance, etc., at the primary level.

Transform RTE into the “Right to equal and uniform education”.

Skill youth in modern and evolving technologies on top priority.

3. Promote cooperation movement in industry.

Allow employees’ cooperatives to buy a controlling stake in PSEs.

4. Enhance agri-productivity to the highest level.

Promote collective and commercial farming.

Take factories to farms.

5. Make at least 5 global education clusters by creating special zones.

6. Develop at least one truly world-class tourism center in each state on the PPP model, with the local population being one of the partners.

7. Stop river waters from flowing into the sea.

8. Give equity in natural resources to the local population.

9. Minimize the size of the government.

Devolve full powers to Panchayati Raj Institutions and local bodies.

Empower and encourage local communities to self-regulate and self-govern.

10. Completely overhaul the police force and justice delivery system.

11. Reorient public services to treat every citizen as a valuable customer.

Ensure the dignity of all citizens in birth, education, marriage, and death.

Transform public works departments and civic authorities. Reorient the civic work to care for public safety, convenience, sensitivities, and impact.

Make people’s lives easy.

Abolish toll on urban roads. Consider abolishing toll on all highways that are less than 6 lanes.

12. Make public offices unremunerative by stripping most discretion.

Obliterate the feudal character of public representatives and bureaucrats and make them truly public servants.

13. Implement electoral reforms. Consider state funding of elections. Afford equal opportunity to all citizens in public representation.

14. Settle border disputes with neighbors and enter into a new era of cooperation and coexistence.

15. Make winning multiple Nobel prizes in science and medicine a mission.

Thursday, May 16, 2024

What if? – Part 3

Verdict 2024: Market Implications

An analysis of the past 30 years of market trends provides no evidence to suggest that elections, the form of government, or the strength of a particular party in the parliament impacts the market performance significantly. However, it is common to see higher volatility during or around elections.

Insofar as the fear of a multi-party coalition or a fractured mandate is concerned, I believe, the investors should be relieved by the prospects of a true coalition coming to power. Because, in the post-independence era, the best periods for the Indian economy have been those when a “coalition” government was in power.

It is however important to note that by “coalition” I do not mean just a multi-party government. In my view, coalition government means where people with diverging socio-economic policies jointly participate in a government. Empirical evidence suggests that such coalition governments in India have agreed on a common minimum agenda and focused on executing the same, avoiding conflicts and logjams.

The first cabinet of India post-independence had R. K. Shanmukham Shetty (Finance), Shyama Prasad Mukherjee (Industries) B. R. Ambedkar (Law) and Jagjiwan Ram (Labor). These people did not subscribe to the Nehruvian socio-economic agenda, but we got a robust socio-economic framework. The singular governments of Nehru (post BRA, RML, SPM - 1956 and 1961), Indira Gandhi (1971, 1980), Rajiv Gandhi (1984) are not known for good governance or transformative socio-economic reforms.

Morarji Desai (1977 – FERA dilution, Gandhian socialism), V. P. Singh (1989 – tax reforms, social justice), Chandershekhar (1990 – disinvestment, fiscal reforms), PV Narsingh Rao (1991 - liberalization, delicensing), Devegoda/IK Gujaral (1996 – dream budget), Vajpayee (1998, 1999 – divestment, infra development) and Manmohan Singh (2004 – RTI, RTE, UIDAI, Right to Food, Right to Healthcare, MNREGA, Civil Nuclear Deal, FDI in retail & pension etc.) were all coalition governments. These governments are all remembered for socio-economic reforms causing fundamental changes in the socio-economic milieu of the country. None of these governments is remembered for non-governance, anti-market policies or anti-business stance.

The incumbent government has taken three major initiatives in the past 10 years, that have helped Indian equity markets:

(a) Abolition of 86% of currency notes in circulation in November 2016. This measure is popularly believed to have benefitted the large organized sector businesses (mostly listed) at the cost of smaller and marginal businesses (mostly unlisted).

(b) Implementation of GST from July 2017. This is also popularly believed to have enhanced the competitiveness of large businesses (mostly listed) at the cost of smaller unorganized and non-compliant businesses.

However, the gains from these initiatives have not been true to the expectations due to the unpredictability that crept into the policy framework and sub-optimal execution.

Thus, in my view, the policy risks in India from the political side are low and not to be much bothered about. The key risk is execution and this risk has little to do with the form and constitution of the government of the day.

Insofar as the market performance during coalition or minority governments is concerned, there is no evidence that markets have performed poorly due to the form or constitution of government.

2024: Market after elections

Regardless of election results, the markets may remain volatile and directionless until a government is formed.

Bonds: The bond market will be guided by the full budget for FY25 that may be presented in the last week of July 2024. A significant violation of fiscal discipline, and disappointment in the inclusion of Indian bonds in global indices may lead to a sell-off. Else, we may see a stable bond market. A good monsoon, as forecasted by IMD and other agencies, may brighten the outlook on inflation, and a softer RBI monetary policy stance.

Equity: The corporate earnings for 4QFY24 have been below the consensus estimates. This has resulted in downgrades in FY25 and FY26 earnings forecasts. If the trend continues in 1QFY25, we may see further earnings downgrades and de-rating of the market in general.

A BJP victory, as widely expected, may extend the rally till mid-July. After that, the market direction would be determined by the budget proposals and earnings outlook.

In a less likely situation of an INDIA government, we may see a knee-jerk move downward that may get reversed in the next few weeks. After that, the market direction would be determined by budget proposals and earnings outlook. In this case, however, we may see a material sectoral rotation towards consumption, given the INDIA promise to afford significant cash in the hands of consumers.

In any case, the impact of election results may not last beyond July 2024. The strategy should therefore be to actively look for opportunities (to buy or sell) in case of any material rise or fall in prices on or after 4^th June.

Thursday, May 2, 2024

Why to emulate Chinese investors?

Gold prices hit an all-time level in April and have corrected marginally since then. Again, this is the time when self-proclaimed investment gurus commemorate Indian households, especially the women, who have traditionally parked their savings in gold ornaments. They highlight how the uneducated and unaware “mothers” have managed to earn more return than savvy investors who invested in index funds etc. In my view, this narrative is completely flawed and does not merit any comment.

The all-time high gold prices in international markets have also triggered a deluge of reports forecasting a strong performance of gold in the coming years. The key arguments in favor of a strong rally in gold prices are (i) technical breakout; (ii) central banks amassing gold reserves in anticipation of the diminishing role of USD in the global economy; and (iii) the Dilemma of the Bank of Japan whether to protect bond yields or Yen. The traders have however pointed out that the higher gold prices are currently supported by the strong investor demand from China. The gold imports, other than the central bank buying, into China, have surged sharply in recent months and so have the trading volumes of gold in China.

In my view, gold is a declining asset and as such should offer sub-optimal returns in the decades to come. Particularly, for investors in a fast-growing economy like India, investment in gold makes little sense for household investors. It may be a bad idea for Indian investors to emulate their Chinese peers and invest in gold. Those advising Indian investors to invest a material part of their wealth (10% or more) in gold, because gold prices are likely to move higher due to buying by central banks and Chinese consumers/investors must consider the following:

· Chinese households are much richer and more protected as compared to Indian households. China’s per capita GDP (US$13136) is almost 5x of India’s per capita GDP (US$2731). Chinese households enjoy much more social security and a higher standard of basic amenities like education and health.

· The Chinese economy (US$18trn) is 5.3x in size as compared to the Indian economy (US$3.4trn). It is expected to remain much larger than India for the next 50 years at least, despite slower growth.

· China has forex reserves of US$3.23 trn as compared to India’s US$640bn. Though both countries have reserves close to 18% of their respective GDP, India runs a current account deficit of appx. US$100bn as compared to current account surplus of US$253bn for China. China needs to diversify from US and European treasuries and USD assets to protect its reserves from depreciating. For now gold is one of the popular option for it. India on the other hand does not have similar needs, given our current account deficit.

· The per capita income in China has grown at a CAGR of 6.1% over the last decade. In this decade, Chinese equities have provided a CAGR of 3.5% and real residential prices have barely risen. Whereas Gold in CNY terms has yielded a CAGR of 7.75%. However, for Indian investors, per capita income has grown at a CAGR of 5.3%, real property prices have grown 1.1% and equities have yielded a return of 11.4 CAGR. Chinese investors therefore have reasons to buy a hedge against inflation and negative real rates. The Indian investors on the other hand have little reason to diversify from high-yielding equities and positive real rate offering debt. Besides, they need to invest heavily in their education and health, unlike their Chinese peers.

Tuesday, April 23, 2024

Laying BRICS for the future

Early this year BRICS, a bloc of leading emerging economies, announced the induction of five new members, viz., Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, to its fold. The ten-member bloc has a significant presence in global trade. More specifically, it exercises significant control over the global energy markets, controlling 42% of global oil production and 35% of total oil consumption.

In July 2023, the then President of BRICS, South Africa claimed that over 50 emerging nations have expressed their desire to join the group. Recently, Russia’s Federation Council Committee on International Affairs, stated that BRICS would be expanded further as more than 40 countries are desirous of joining the group.

The cooperation between BRICS members is free, and flexible and extends to a variety of subjects of common interest amongst members. The members and other countries desirous of joining the group, view BRICS as an alternative to global bodies viewed as dominated by the traditional Western powers and hope membership will unlock benefits including development finance, and increased trade and investment.

Defining the vision of BRICS, President Putin said, “BRICS is attracting an ever increasing number of supporters and like-minded countries that share its underlying principles such as sovereign equality, openness, consensus, aspiration to form a multi-polar international order and a fair global financial and trading system.

The expansion and strengthening of BRICS could, therefore, be interpreted from different perspectives. From the geopolitical perspective, it could be seen as a vote of no-confidence in the extant global order, dominated by Western developed countries (especially the US), by the emerging economies. A larger BRICS could undermine the dominance of NATO, the UN, and even the IMF.

From India’s perspective, it could act as a strong resistance to any material escalation between India and China. We have already seen the traditional rivals Iran and Saudi Arabia bridging the differences and coming together on the Palestine issue. We have also witnessed ineffectiveness of the NATO sanctions against Russia over the Ukraine invasion issue. BRICS and other developing countries have increased their trade with Russia materially in the past couple of years, as reflected in a larger current account surplus for Russia.

From an economic perspective, a larger and stronger BRICS could play a significant role in determining the terms of global trade. Its present and prospective members would control a significant proportion of the global human, mineral, and manufacturing resources. Besides, helping in securing better terms of trade, ensuring energy security is seen as another key advantage of a stronger and larger BRICS.

From a financial perspective, post global financial crisis, a large number of developing countries have reported a slowdown in financial aid from developing countries. The conditions appear to have deteriorated further post the Covid-19 pandemic. A deeper and wider cooperation between the enlarged BRICS grouping, the humanitarian aid to the developing nations could be restored.

From a monetary perspective, there is an intense debate about limiting the role of USD in global trade. A BRICS agreement on adopting a common independent currency or increasing the bilateral trade in local currencies could help in achieving this objective. There is strong evidence of a material rise in yen trade between Saudi Arabia-China and Russia and China. India has also made some advances in promoting INR trade with traditional trade partners like UAE and Russia. We might see more developments on this front in the next couple of decades.

These may be the early days to term BRICS as a foundation for change in the post-USSR unipolar global order to a multipolar world order that shall facilitate much-delayed reforms in the global institutions like the UN and IMF etc. Nonetheless, the developments are encouraging and offer hope.

Tuesday, April 16, 2024

I am not worried about US public debt

The issue of high and rising US public debt is a subject matter of public discussion in Indian streets. Using a common Dalal Street phrase I can say that every paanwalla, taxi driver, and barber is now discussing how unsustainable US public debt is. For example, listen to this boy .

From top economists, analysts, and global strategists to a common man on the street, all are worried about an imminent US default and its impact on the global financial system, especially the developing and underdeveloped countries.

Currently, the US public debt is close to US$35trn (Appx 125% of annual GDP) and is projected to double in the next eight years. The current US government's annual interest payments are more than US$1trn (Appx 20% of annual federal revenue; 14% of annual federal spending and 4% of GDP). The average interest rate on the entire debt is less than 3% p.a.

As of June 2023, 43% of this debt was owned by the Federal Reserve System and State and Local Governments. 32% of the debt was owned by various domestic institutions (MF, Insurance, Pension, and Depositories, etc.) The balance 26% was owned by other institutions including foreign governments. Almost the entire debt is denominated in USD.

This debt level is a matter of concern but does not prima facie appear to be at a disaster level. The worrisome part is that about one-third of US public debt is short-term (12 months or less maturity). However, considering that a large part of this debt could be owned by the government institution and the Federal Reserve System, refinancing of this debt should not pose a significant problem. In my view, US debt could be sustained with 3-4% inflation, 20% USD devaluation, 5% revenue growth (higher taxes), and rationalization/reimbursement of various war funding expenses, this debt could be sustained, reduced, and serviced. It is of course going to be hard for US savers and middle classes for a decade or so. USD losing its reserve currency status may be collateral damage.

For context, as per the interim budget for FY25, India’s central government debt was ~Rs172trn as of 31^st March 2024. This is approximately 58% of GDP. 3% of this debt is held by foreign entities. However, using the standard IMF definition India’s Debt to GDP ratio is ~82%. Since most of this debt is INR-denominated and RBI is holding a strong US$650bn forex chest, servicing is not an issue.

However, as per FY24BE, interest expense would account for 25% of total government expenditure, after material cuts in subsidies. For a developing economy, this interest expense to government revenue expenditure is considered worrisome, as it hampers investments, keeps fiscal deficit high, makes interest rate cuts difficult, leads to lower social expenditure affecting the quality of life, and hampers further market borrowing capability of the government.

The small point is that investors in Indian securities should be more concerned about seemingly unsustainable public debt in India rather than the high debt levels of developed countries.

As a small investor with zero risk appetite, I keep a cushion for lower subsidies, late payments of government dues, higher effective taxes, small probability of higher rates in my investment strategy.

Thursday, January 11, 2024

EM vs DM

One of the key factors that may influence the performance of Indian equities in the current year would be how the global asset managers rebalance their portfolios in light of the changes in interest rate trajectory, movement in USD and JPY, geopolitical tensions, disinflation/deflation, etc.

2023 has seen significant disinflation in most developed and emerging economies. Most central bankers are well on course to achieve their inflation targets. Global growth, especially in advanced economies, commodity-dominated emerging economies, and China has taken a hit.

Presently, many European economies are struggling with stagflation. Japan is witnessing positive real rates after a decade. US COVID stimulus has faded, leaving consumers vulnerable. Higher positive rates are impacting discretionary consumption and investment in many other economies.

It is to be watched whether the current trend stops with disinflation or pushes the major economies to a state of deflation. Particularly, since the strong deflationary forces like the use of artificial intelligence to replace semi-skilled and skilled workforce; aging demographics, dematerialization of trade and commerce, etc. continue to gain strength.

If deflationary forces gain material ground, we may see the policymakers loosening money policy to calibrate controlled inflation. This will see the Japanification of major economies like China, the US, and the EU. Emerging markets and independent currencies (e.g., Bitcoins) could be major beneficiaries in such a case. The asset managers might therefore change their allocation strategies for EM vs DM, Equity vs Debt, China vs Japan, Physical Assets vs Financial Assets, Gold vs Bitcoin, etc.

Presently a majority appears to be favoring soft landing (no recession), gradual rate cuts (50-100 bps in the US), lower bond yields, and strong earnings growth. Equity valuations and allocations are congruent to this view.

In recent years, domestic equity flows have materially increased in India. The relative importance of the foreign flows has thus diminished. Nonetheless, for the overall growth of the Indian capital markets, global flows remain important.

Many global investment strategists have indicated their preference for Indian equities in recent weeks citing resilient economic growth, stable macro indicators, supportive political regime, and robust earnings growth momentum as the primary reasons for their positive view. This augurs well for the optimism over foreign flows and supports the positive view of domestic asset managers and strategists.

In this context, it may be pertinent to note that—

· Emerging market equities have massively underperformed the US equities in the past decade. The current relative underperformance of emerging equities as compared to US equities is the worst in fifty years.

· Emerging markets are about 40% cheaper as compared to their developed market peers, and the earnings momentum is likely to gather more pace.

· The sharp rise in the EM discount relative to DM is driven to a significant extent by China’s low valuations. Ex-China, however, EM discounts are in line with the 10-year average. Currently, the price-to-earnings (P/E) ratio for the MSCI EM Index is trading at approximately 12x over the next twelve months, or slightly above its long-term average of 11.3x.

· Within emerging markets, Chinese stocks have recorded their worst-ever performance. Currently, Chinese equities are at the lowest-ever level as compared to their emerging market peers.

· Indian equities are presently trading at a significant premium to their emerging market, especially Asia ex-Japan, peers.

· The earning momentum is expected to slow in India over the next couple of quarters, while Developed markets ex-US, offer attractive valuations.