Do it yourself

“There are events in the womb of time, which shall be delivered in time”. (Othello, William Shakespeare)

Beginning of the current year, I commented that “the trend seen in the past few months is indicating that the conditions might change materially in the next 12-24 months. The macro trends may become ambivalent and unpredictable. Investors may need to make choices; and the return they would earn on their investment portfolios would largely depend on the choices they would make. Making right choices, in my view, would be the central investment challenge for the year 2025.”

Barely one month into the year and it appears that earth already witnessed many seasons. The conditions are becoming more uncertain with each passing day. The 47^th President of the United States (P47), appears in a tremendous hurry to deliver on his promise to Make America Great Again (MAGA). He is using all his negotiating skills to secure good deals for his country. How much success will he achieve with his aggressive approach, we would only know with passage of time. Nonetheless, with his initial actions he has created a fair degree of uncertainty in the minds of his political opponents, trade partners, strategic partners, competitors and markets.

While I continue to maintain that investors would be better off avoiding a macro trade and focusing on individual business stories in the next 12-24 months, the three macro trends worth including in the matrix for identifying and evaluating individual business stories are Deleveraging, Demographics and Deflation.

Deleveraging: The US Fed has contracted its balance sheet by US$2.1trn since the beginning of its monetary tightening (QT) program in April 2022. The total assets held by the US Fed are now lowest since May 2020. It would need to unwind another US$2.7trn to completely undo the Covid related monetary expansion. Besides the US Fed, most other central bankers have shown a tendency to tighten the money supply by reducing their asset holdings. The Bank of England balance sheet is following the same trajectory as the US Fed. BoJ has not expanded its balance sheet in the past couple of years and cut the size of its asset holdings in recent months. Even RBI’s balance sheet has contracted in the past few months.

If we take the plan of P47 at par value, we are staring at one of the biggest fiscal corrections in modern history. Most other major developed and developing countries are also progressing on the path of sustainable fiscal corrections.

This macro deleveraging at the global level might reflect in the corporate and household balance sheets sooner than later. But for a major natural or manmade disaster, we should be factoring in sustainable governments, lower rates and adequate household savings in our investment strategies.

Demographics: One of the most critical trends in a large part of the developed world is deteriorating demographics. Most European and LatAm countries, the US, Canada, Japan, China, South Korea, Thailand, etc. have their total fertility rates fallen below the replacement ratio (implying their population is now on a declining path). The proportion of the working age population in these countries is decreasing fast. The population in China has already peaked and the population in India is expected to peak much ahead of the previous estimates of 2050.

This demographic trend appears structural and irreversible. With deeper and wider integration of technological advancement in social and personal life, the need & space for human interaction is on the decline. Financial and professional constraints are adversely impacting the capability and willingness to commit to personal relationships. Stressed and hectic lifestyles are adversely impacting the fertility of humans. There is nothing to suggest that these trends could change in the foreseeable future.

Obviously, the demographic trends will reflect on the aggregate demand as well as the demand mix.

Deflation: The mix of deleveraging, ageing demographics and superior productivity gains through technological advancements may lead to resumption of the pre-Covid deflationary trend. The supply lines disrupted due to Covid related restrictions and geopolitical developments post 2021 have mostly been restored. Save for a totally unexpected development, the current trend appears that a workable global trade balance may be achieved within the next 12-24 months.

With almost all major global market forces (the US, China, Germany, Japan, South Korea, France and the UK account for ~40% of the global trade) focused on repairing and strengthening their domestic economies, it is more likely a mutually beneficial global trade framework will emerge after the initial aggression of the P47 brings all trade partners to the negotiating table. This framework would, among other things, will certainly dampen the inflationary expectations.

The general reaction to the Union Budget for fiscal year 2025-26 is mostly positive. Most people have appreciated the commitment to fiscal discipline. Substantial increase in the allocation for rural and urban development programs has apparently come at the expense of lower or no growth in the allocation for food, fuel & fertilizer subsidies, defense and transportation (road and railways).

The most celebrated aspect of the budget is the enhancement of tax rebate under section 87A from Rs25,000 to Rs60,000; and restructuring of tax slabs from the earlier three to six in the new scheme of personal income tax. These changes would result in a potential net tax saving of 2-6% of the post-tax income.

The most debated aspect of the budget is the allocation to the capital expenditure. Analysts are calculating the total allocation for capex using different matrices and thus debating in favor or against the budget.

The budget numbers assume a nominal GDP growth of 10.1% for FY26, which will roughly translate into a 6.5% real GDP growth. The Revenue Secretary, in an interview to the Economics Times, termed this as the trend growth (see here). He emphasized that “more structural measures” are needed to push this trend growth higher to 7%.

I find this the most concerning aspect of the present governance and market narrative. We seem to be totally disregarding the fact that 6.5%-7% real growth is merely sufficient to maintain the current trends in the development of social and physical infrastructure. To achieve the ambition of developed India (Viksit Bharat) all curves affecting the quality of life need to shift much higher. As highlighted by the latest Economic Survey, we would need a sustained 8%+ growth for a couple of decades to become a middle-income country (Viksit Bharat).

This budget or any other recent policy announcement of the government does not show any glide path in that direction. To this extent, the governance and market narrative suffer from an extreme degree of adhocism, opportunism and complacency. A total absence of discussions on structural reforms needed to catapult the economy to 8-10% growth orbit in the popular discourse is a worrisome sign. Being content with a few administrative changes and procedural efficiencies (mostly due to adoption of available technology) as “reforms” might not help much.

I would like to explain this situation with the help of four short stories, which I have narrated before also.

Freedom from bondage: There was this feudal lord, who had enslaved a number of peasants on different pretexts. He would make them toil hard the whole day and give two inadequate meals to survive. Occasionally, on festivals, birthdays of his children, his marriage anniversary, and death anniversary of his parents, he would treat them with a good meal and sweets. Once in 3-4yrs, during winters, he would give them new blankets so that they do not die of cold. In return, the bonded peasants were expected to hail him as protector and great benefactor of the poor. No one ever dares ask for freedom from bondage.

Eat ladoo and hail the minister: Once the home minister of a state visited the Jail on Independence Day. After finishing his speech, he distributed some sweets (Ladoo) and asked the inmates about their problems and what he could do for them. Most complained about mosquitoes and the quality of food. Few wanted new blankets. Some daring one asked for a large screen TV in the library. No convict asked for freedom. The minister granted their wishes and won their adulation.

Save me an extra half kilometer drive: A minister on his election campaign addressed a gathering of a housing society’s members in a posh Bengaluru location. The only request these educated upper middle-class people made to this politician was to “provide a right turn in front of the society gate, as they have to go 500 mtrs ahead to take a U turn” for travelling in the right direction; disregarding the fact that providing this “right turn” would be “wrong” as it would cause huge traffic disruptions and frequent traffic snarls in front of the society gate. No one asked him to give an undertaking that he would not encourage corruption, if elected.

Art of staying relevant: In the late 1980s, I had an opportunity to attend a budget committee meeting of a large medical college cum hospital. The twelve-member committee comprised two doctors, three administrative in-charge, district magistrate (ex-office), local MLA (govt nominee), and five prominent local citizens. The total annual budget of the college was close to Rs230 crores. The committee cleared 73 expenditure proposals worth Rs180 cores in less than one hour. The 74^th item of agenda was a bicycle-shed for Class-IV employees of the college/hospital. The budget sought for this item was mere Rs3.5 lacs. This would have helped over 200 employees coming to work on bicycle, as the scorching heat often resulted in deflation of bicycle tyres. The committee discussed the matter for more than two hours and rejected the proposal. Later, the dean of the college explained that this was the only item on agenda, besides salaries, which all committee members understood fully. They used all their wisdom in discussing this item and saved Rs3.5 lacs for the college, thus justifying their relevance to the college and society! 

In a keenly watched two-day meeting, the first after the inauguration of the new US President, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) of the US Federal Reserve (Fed) decided to pause its kept federal fund rates in 4.25%-4.5% range, after cutting it overall by 1% over its three previous meetings. The decision to pause is governed by a strong and resilient labor market and persisting inflation.

In a post meeting press interaction, Fed Chairman Jerome Powell noted that “The unemployment rate has stabilized at a low level in recent months, labor market conditions remain solid, and Inflation remains somewhat elevated.” He further added that the Fed needs to see “real progress on inflation or some weakness in the labor market before we consider making adjustments.”

Most notably, he emphasized that we're meaningfully above the ‘neutral rate’. He said, “I have no illusion that anyone knows precisely how much that is and but having cut 100 basis points means that it's appropriate that we not be in a hurry to make further adjustments.” (‘Neutral rate’ is a fed rate that is considered neither stimulative nor restrictive of growth under the current circumstances.)

Higher for longer: The market participants have taken this to imply that the current rate cut cycle is certainly not over and may resume after a pause, as the Fed gathers more evidence on inflation. Nonetheless, analysts now appear less sanguine about the lower bound of the present rate cut cycle. The consensus amongst them is emerging that the long-term bottom rate may have risen to 3% from the earlier estimates 2.5%. The ‘Fed pause’ is also being influenced by uncertainties surrounding the new administration's direction - on fiscal, trade, and government spending matters. The Fed officials noted “they don't intend to react until policies reach the implementation stage and begin to impact incoming economic data”.

Markets: Post the Fed decision, stock prices ended lower (S&P500 -0.5%), USD marginally stronger (DXY +0.2%) and benchmark bonds stronger (US 10yr Yield -0.37%).

RBI: The ‘Fed pause’ has made the February 06^th rate cut by the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), less certain. There are however more chances that RBI may change its stance to ‘accommodative’ from ‘withdrawal of accommodation’, signaling now growth is a priority over inflation.

One sector that is inflicting extreme pain to the investors in Indian equity is ‘power'. The stock prices of almost all companies present in the power sector value chain have corrected 25-50% from their 2024 high levels. The correction in stock prices has been particularly pronounced after the declaration of ‘energy emergency’ by the president of the United States.

In my view there are three factors responsible for this correction, viz., technical, fundamental and sentimental.

Technical: The stocks of companies in the power sector value chain had seen a sharp runup in the past three years. Reasons for enhanced investor’s interest in the sector was underperformance of a few years showing bottom formation on charts; exciting announcements by the government relating to the sector; state electricity board reforms to reduce transmission & distribution losses; power demand growth picking up; and electric mobility and climate control commitment of several governments etc. The enhanced investor interest however took the stock prices quickly into the bubble territory. The stock prices are now correcting to more reasonable levels.

Remember, stock prices usually follow the laws of physics. A pendulum that swings to the extreme right (bubble), never stops immediately at a neutral position. It usually travels the equal distance to the left (distress); then makes some small moves on either side (greed and fear) before settling to a neutral position.

In my view, technically speaking, we may complete the left swing in the next couple of months, and achieve full mean reversion by the summer of 2025.

Fundamental: Enthused by a technical rally, analysts had started translating political promises into numbers and extrapolating these numbers to perpetuity to arrive at fancy valuations. An extended monsoon and a mild winter have resulted in lower power demand in 3QFY25. Some analysts are using this opportunity to correct their highly optimistic projections. Some are also using the pretext of the latest Chinese AI model (DeepSeek) to moderate their electricity and power equipment demand forecast; arguing that the demand for new data centers may be much less than previously estimated.

In my view, power demand growth in India is a function of rising affordability for fans, lights, refrigerators and air conditioners; rising popularity of EVs; more metro rail projects and new electrified rail routes; urbanization; depleting water tables requiring electricity to fetch water from ground; etc. There could be some seasonal slowdown, but structurally demand is set to rise materially over the next couple of decades.

Explosion in data center demand so far has mostly been a spreadsheet phenomenon. Further, assuming that India and other governments allow China to have access to their data through DeepSeek, is also a little far-fetched to me. DeepSeek is just another development (though very significant) in the global technology transition. It will only accelerate the adoption of AI by governments and businesses and trigger a fresh wave of development in the field of AI, using cheaper resources and methods. The impact on the power sector value chain could only be positive.

Sentimental: An energy emergency declared by President Trump has introduced a fair degree of uncertainty in respect of fiscal support to clean energy. This has made investors fearful of the massive investments made in the development of the clean energy ecosystem being rendered useless.

I am not sure if serious investors and responsible states would agree with the President’s outright rejection of climate concerns; and revert back to fossil fuels.

Moreover, in countries like India, where clean energy is not only a medium for climate control, but also a critical resource for achieving energy security and financial stability. Losing focus on development of a strong renewable energy generation base is not an option for us. For context, out of 34GW total capacity added in the year 2024, about 85% was renewables. Solar project constituted ~72% (24.5GW) of the total new capacity addition; with solar contributing 10%. The present project pipeline indicates about 50GW renewable capacity addition during FY25 and FY26.

 

Power sector value chain (generation, transmission, distribution, and consumption) is indubitably one of the decadal investment themes in India. However, to make money, investors need to follow strict discipline and not be unduly influenced by the forces of greed and fear.

 

Presently, the total market capitalization of the NSE is close to Rs415 trillion, almost the same as it was during the last week of May 2024. The benchmark indices like Nifty 50, Small Cap 100, Nifty 500, Bank Nifty etc. are also trading almost at the same levels as prevailed during the last week of May 2024.

Mr. Donald Trump has chosen to take some time before speaking with his Indian counterpart Mr. Narendra Modi. Trump has chosen to call the Chinese premier Xi Jinping, even before his inauguration. Prime Minister Modi has apparently sent a written congratulatory message to Trump, instead of calling him. This small pause in the top-level communication has triggered a debate about the shape of Indo-US relations in the near future.

In my view, before drawing any conclusion from Trump’s pause, and writing obituaries of the Indo-US strategic partnership, we must study the evolution of Indo-US relationships. This relationship has evolved over the past 75 years. It is primarily based on mutual need and shared democratic values, and goes much beyond the personal equation of individual leaders.

Prologue

The foundation of Indo-US was laid during the 1949 visit of Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to the US and meeting with President Henry Truman. Nehru was welcomed by everyone he met during his multi week stay in the US. However, Not much was achieved in diplomatic and economic terms.

Ten years later, President Eisenhower visited India for five days, in 1959. He addressed the Parliament and expressed “deep satisfaction at the friendly and cordial relations existing between their two countries, and their firm belief that their common ideals and objectives and their quest for peace will ensure the maintenance and development of the strong ties of friendship between the two countries.” Again, the Indo-US relations did not move beyond exchanging pleasantries.

The first chapter

India co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961, taking a neutral stand in the cold-war between the USSR and the US. 1962 was an important year in the evolution of Indo-US relationship. This year, the U.S. Agency for International Development signed the Kanpur Indo-American Program to help in the establishment of the first IIT. The program included deployment of American faculty members to develop academic programs and research laboratories at the new university over the next decade. Later, President Kennedy supported India in the Indo-China conflict, recognizing McMahon Line and also providing air assistance and arms. Next year, in 1963 Norman Borlaug, a renowned US Agronomist, visited India and laid the foundation of the Green Revolution. India also benefited from wheat imports from the US under PL-480 “food for peace” program during the 1960s.

1965 saw a material deterioration in the US-Indo relationship as Washington sided with Islamabad in the second major Indo-Pak conflict. The situation worsened further in 1970’s when President Nixon sided with Islamabad during the 1971 Indo-Pak war. This was the time when India signed a 20 year “Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation” with the USSR. The relationship deteriorated further in 1974 when India became the first non UNSC permanent member to conduct a nuclear test.

A reproachment effort started in 1978, after Mrs. Gandhi was defeated in the 1977 general elections. President Carter visited India and Prime Minister Desai reciprocated with a 6-day visit to Washington. However, with the US enacting the Nuclear Nonproliferation Act in 1978, the process was derailed.

Prime Minister Gandhi made another attempt to revive Indo-US relations during her visit to Washington in 1982. She and President Regan largely agreed to increase cooperation and resolve a dispute over nuclear power. Vice president Bush (Sr.) led a high level visit to New Delhi to explore areas of cooperation. However, 1984 Bhopal Gas tragedy again derailed the process.

Post the end of the cold war (1989), for a few years, India and the US had a good working relationship. Prime Minister Rao unleashed substantial economic reforms and expanded economic ties with the US. However, things turned for the worse in the summer of 1998, when prime Minister Vajpayee surprised the US intelligence agencies with a nuclear test and announced India as a full-fledged nuclear power. President Clinton recalled his ambassador to India and imposed severe economic sanctions on India.

A year later in 1999, President Clinton called Pakistan Prime Minister Sharif and nudged him to end the Kargil conflict immediately. In the year 2000, Clinton became the first US President to Visit India since 1978. The visit marked the first step toward forming a durable Indo-US strategic relationship. Clinton agreed to not make signing of CTBT a precondition for Indo-US economic cooperation. The Indo-U.S. Science and Technology Forum was established during this trip, which also marked the beginning of the end of the Cold-War strategic US-Pak alliance. President Bush lifted all US sanctions on India in 2001.

Second chapter

In 2005 a new chapter in the Indo-US relations started. Both countries signed the New Framework for the U.S.-India Defense Relationship, which set priorities for defense cooperation in maritime security, humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, and counterterrorism. They also inked the Civil Nuclear Cooperation Initiative, a framework that lifts a three-decade U.S. moratorium on nuclear energy trade with India. Under the agreement, India agrees to separate its civil and military nuclear facilities and place all its civil resources under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. In exchange, the United States agrees to work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India. (The US Congress and Indian Parliament ratified this deal in 2008.) In October 2005, both countries jointly conducted the largest naval exercise to date, followed by major air and land exercises.

In 2006, President Bush visited India and finalized, with Prime Minister Singh, Singh finalized the framework of the civil nuclear deal and boosted security and economic ties. The nuclear deal made India the only country outside of the Nonproliferation Treaty that has nuclear capabilities and is allowed to participate in nuclear commerce.

In 2007, an 18year old ban on import of Indian mangoes to the US was lifted, marking the beginning of an effort to double the Indo-US trade within three years. Bilateral trade in goods and services totaled around $45 billion in 2006 and rose to more than $70 billion in 2010.

In 2008, Chandrayaan-1 became the first Indian spacecraft to land on the moon. It carried two scientific instruments designed by NASA scientists, marking a significant progress in Indo-US space cooperation (an agreement that existed since 1963).

Third chapter

In 2010, India and the US convened the first U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue. Secretary Clinton lauds India as “an indispensable partner” and President Obama claimed the relationship “will be a defining partnership in the twenty-first century.” President Obama visited India in November. He addressed the Parliament and backed the country’s long-held bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. He announced $14.9 billion in trade deals.

In 2012, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta visited India to bolster military ties. Next year (2013), Prime Minister Singh visited Washington to meet President Obama for the third time in four years to discuss important issues such as security, trade, immigration reform, and the civilian nuclear deal.

In 2014, President Obama invited Prime Minister Modi to the White House. President Obama made his second visit to India in 2015 as Chief Guest at Republic Day celebrations. Ten-year U.S.-India Defense Framework Agreement was renewed for another ten years.

In 2016, the US elevated India to a “major defense partner”, a status no other country holds. This enabled India to enjoy some of the benefits of being a U.S. treaty ally, such as access to defense technology.

In 2017, Prime Minister Modi visited the US to meet President Trump, who raised sharp disagreements with India over trade, climate change, and H-1B visas. Regardless, their joint statement emphasizes strengthening their defense partnership, cooperating on counterterrorism efforts, and boosting economic ties.

In 2018, during a “two-plus-two” dialogue in New Delhi an the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) was signed allowing India access to advanced communication technology used in U.S. defense equipment and allows real-time information sharing between the two countries’ militaries.

Fourth chapter

In 2018, the Indo-US relations took a turn towards the south. President Trump terminated India’s preferential trade status, part of a 50yr old program that allows products from developing countries to enter the U.S. market duty free. Trump claimed India has not provided “equitable and reasonable access” to its own market. In retaliation, India slapped tariffs on twenty-eight U.S. products.

In 2020, President Trump made his first official visit to India. India agreed to purchase US$3bn worth of military equipment. However, the two countries could not resolve pending trade issues. Opinions remained divided over agricultural products, tariffs, and other areas.

In 2020 the first in-person meeting of Quad was held, and President Biden hosted Prime Minister Modi for the first time.

In 2023, the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET), an agreement that aims to expand bilateral technology and defense cooperation is announced. As part of the deal, U.S. officials seek to reduce India's purchase of Russian arms.

Fifth Chapter

I guess, President Trump might look to begin a fresh chapter in the Indo-US relations. Early indicators are pointing that he may look to base the mutual relationship on equality. So far, the US has played the role of a dominant partner helping India to grow faster. President Trump may now seek to rebase the relationship seeking full reciprocity from India on key economic, trade and technology issues.

The Indo-US relationship henceforth may become purely transactional, shedding the pretense of strategic partnership. The Trump 2.0 administration would negotiate hard on tariff concessions; preference in defense and energy procurement; resolution of contentious issues like agriculture tariffs. The US negotiators might use the façade of freedom of speech & religion, persecution of minorities etc. as key negotiating tools.

It will obviously be a tough & volatile transition; especially when the domestic economy is passing through a challenging downcycle. During the previous transitory phases (1970s and Late 1990s), India managed well. Hope this time will not be different. Till then keeping fingers crossed, seat belt tightened, and store filled with emergency supplies.

In the past couple of months, since the completion of the US presidential elections, most of the global analysis (financial, geopolitical, economic, international relations, etc.) has been revolving around the likely policy stance of the Trump 2.0 administration. Various scenarios have been built based on extrapolating his election speeches and other utterances made during Trump’s election campaign.

The 45^th President of the United States of America (POTUS), Mr. Donald John Trump (Trump) has assumed office with an onerous promise to “Make America Great Again” (MAGA). In the past two months, POTUS and some of his team members have expressed their intention to implement radical policy changes in a variety of spheres.

A close study of the entire election campaign of Trump, his actions during his previous presidential tenure (2016-2020), his selection of team members for his latest presidential term, and his various utterances since the election results in November 2024, would reveal that as of this morning MAGA is mostly an aspirational slogan lacking a credible conceptual framework. For example—

·         Trump has spoken about strict border controls, tougher immigration rules, and restrictions on the skilled worker visa (H1B) program. Presently, many US corporations which would play a pivotal role in MAGA, have first generation immigrants as their top executives. There is an acute shortage of skilled tech workers in the US. MAGA would require a large number of new infrastructure construction projects requiring cheap labour. There is a sharp decline in the total fertility rate of the white native Americans; hence the demographic balance and stability of the US largely depends on the immigrants. Ironically, there is an abundance of immigrants in the governance team nominated by Trump. In fact, Trump is relying on South Africa born Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy (born to Indian immigrants, and reportedly already considering withdrawing) to marginalize the infamous American Deep State.

·         Trump has been talking about adopting the pre-WW1 doctrine of isolationism (policy to not interfere in the geopolitical affairs of other countries) and making the US a dominant global force in the same breath. He has announced his expansionist agenda with élan. He apparently wants to buy Greenland, acquire Canada, control the Panama Canal and claim the entire Gulf of Mexico. With this intent, he may not only be sanctifying Russian claim on Ukraine and other countries claimed by the president Putin as historical Russian territories; Chinese claim on Taiwan, Northern and North Eastern Indian territories; Israeli claim on Palestine and territories of other neighboring countries; but also pushing the world back into pre-WW1 era of persistent conflicts, and colonialism.

·         Presently, the US derives most of  its power from (i) USD (being a global reserve currency); (ii) technological prowess (largely attained through luring talent from all parts of the world with a promise of great, fair and equal opportunity); (iii) profligate American consumers, largely fed on fiscal support and debt made possible by a huge trade deficit funded by the US trade partners by accepting USD (unsecured US Fed promissory notes) in lieu of their tangible goods and services; and (iv) the promise of the US to protect democracy and human rights, affording the US government a dominant role in the most multilateral agencies, and support of NATO forces in asserting its strategic supremacy. The proposed agenda of Trump directly hits at the core of all the pillars of support of the US.

I am obviously not very enthusiastic or unduly worried about Trump 2.0. I am expecting some disruptions in the next few months, before the tempers cool down, horses are tethered, and business becomes as usual. These disruptions will definitely reflect in the Indian stock prices also. It is for experts to slog and discern this impact. I have the privilege to approach the issue in a rather simple and nonchalant manner. …to continue tomorrow

The market action in the past three days has been quite exciting. It reminded me of the market action witnessed during March-April 2020, in the wake of the outbreak of Covid-19 pandemic. Drawing from the experience of 2020, like many, at first, I was also tempted to increase my risk exposure to Indian equities. However, on second thought, I have decided to reign my temptation and avoid any deviation from the “plan”.

I note that the 2025-2026 market trajectory may not be similar to 2020-2021, for some very simple reasons.

·         Ignoring the panic fall in February-March 2020 and subsequent recovery, Nifty 50 gained 12% in 2020 and another 16% in 2021. These gains occurred because corporate earnings were coming out of a 10yr growth drought. Nifty EPS has grown over 225% in the past five years (FY21-FY25), against just 50% growth witnessed in the preceding decade (FY11-FY20). The growth trajectory is now moderating and is more likely to stabilize in 11-13% CAGR range in the next couple of years.

·         Presently, Nifty 50 forward consensus PE is marginally higher than the long term (10yr) average. With earnings growth moderating, there is no reason for the PE to re-rate to the higher levels. If at all, it can slightly de-rate to the long-term average. This implies that Nifty 50 returns are most likely to be in tandem with the earnings growth (11-13%), in the next couple of years, with some downside risk.

·         2024 has witnessed a record Rs5.26 trillion domestic flows into the local secondary market alone. Accounting for flows into primary markets, unlisted securities and foreign equities, domestic flows would be much higher. Expecting this kind of flow to sustain during 2025-2026 also, would be unreasonable. Given the currency weakness, higher cost of capital (bond yields) and rising uncertainties, foreign flows may not see a significant reversal from the 2024 trend, where foreign investors were marginal sellers (adjusted for buying in primary market).

·         The economic growth in 1HFY25 has been much below the expectations. No major recovery is expected in 2HFY25 and 1HFY26. The actual government capex for FY25 is expected to be much lower than the budget estimates. There are reports which suggest that the capex budget for FY26BE may not see any material growth. This trend raises reasonable doubts over the sustainability of the higher than historical valuations of the sectors and companies that were expected to benefit from higher government capex. For example, infra builders, PSEs, railway equipment suppliers, etc.

·         Financial sector, especially public sector banks, have contributed materially to the market buoyancy in the past four years. The rally in these banks was led by recapitalization, NPA resolution/recovery (asset quality improvement), margin expansion and high credit growth. None of these factors may be contributing in the next two years. Asset quality and margins have mostly peaked, and credit growth is moderating.

·         Last but not the last, one of the keenly watched indicators - the Market cap to GDP ratio – is at an all time high. With nominal growth trajectory settling at single digit level, and IPO activity remaining strong, the risk of market cap of the existing listed stocks correcting cannot be ignored.

As I mentioned in the preceding post, a narrative of “tax terrorism” is being built strongly on social media, against the incumbent regime. Many popular influencers are repeatedly alleging that the government is squeezing the middle classes too hard through “exorbitant” direct and indirect taxes. Numerous experts have opined that the high taxes are the primary reason for the decline in growth trajectory, especially the private consumption. The followers of these experts are quick to lament that poor infrastructure and civic amenities are totally incongruent with the current structures of direct and indirect taxation.

There is absolutely no denying that regardless of the official claims, the civic infrastructure in most parts of the country remains of poor quality and inadequate. The civic authorities are mostly inefficient, and wastage of resources rampant. Nonetheless, accusing the current regime of coercive taxation policies may not be appropriate, in my view. The taxation structure has witnessed gradual changes in the past four decades. The process has continued notwithstanding the nature of the governing political establishment.

In the past four decades we have seen governments with overwhelming majority in the parliament (Rajiv Gandhi 1985 and Narendra Modi 2019), fragmented minority (V. P. Singh, H. D. Deve Goda, I. K. Gujral) and fragile coalition (A. B. Vajpayee, Manmohan Singh). Many of these governments had communists and socialists as key constituents. The taxation structure has however continued to evolve, mostly in line with the recommendations made in 1993 by the Raja Chelliah Committee. There have been only a few ad hoc measures, like exemption of long-term capital gains on some listed securities (2004) and dividend (1997) from payment of tax, to stimulate higher growth.

Marginal rise in tax revenue during 2014-2024

Past decade has seen only a marginal rise in the overall tax revenue for the central government. Most of this rise in tax collection could be attributed to the implementation of a nationwide Goods and Services Tax (GST) which has resulted in wider coverage of taxpayers and better compliance. Improvement in digital infrastructure of tax departments has also resulted in better surveillance and compliance.

·         In the past decade (FY14-FY24), nominal GDP of India has grown at 10.1% CAGR. In this period, total tax revenue of the central government has grown at 11.5% CAGR.

·         However, most of this tax buoyancy occurred in FY17-FY19 (GST implementation period). During the past five years (FY20-FY24), nominal GDP has grown at 9.3% CAGR, while the tax revenue of the central government has grown at a lower 8.9% CAGR.

·        During FY15-FY24, average income tax per individual tax payer (including HUF assessees) has grown at 7.8% CAGR, much less than the rise in per capita income of 11% CAGR.

No material changes in the taxation matrices during FY20-FY24

Total tax revenue of the central government witnessed a jump (from 10.3% of GDP to 11.9%) during FY15-FY19 period. Most of this jump could be attributed to the implementation of GST, which led to transfer of some part of State levies by the central government.

·         During FY15-FY19 period, indirect taxes collected by the central government grew from 4.7% of GDP to 5.6%. However, in the subsequent five years (FY20-FY24) these indirect taxes have declined to 5.2% of GDP, signifying efficiencies due to single nation-wide tax.

·         Much talked about Securities Transaction Tax (STT) has grown from 0.47% of total tax revenue to 0.93% during FY14 to FY24. This has added to the cost of transaction; though much of this rise may have been mitigated by the fall in brokerage charges.

During the decade of FY15-FY24, total direct taxpayers increased from 5.26 crores to 10.41 crores. A significant part of this rise in the number of taxpayers could also be attributed to GST, which brought lots of smaller (unorganized and/or non-corporate) businesses into the tax net. Material improvement in the digital infrastructure and surveillance system of the tax department in the past decade have also led to better compliance.

·         Direct tax collections grew from 5.6% of GDP in FY14 to 6.3% of GDP in FY19. However, since FY19, it has grown only marginally to 6.5% of GDP in FY24.

·        Personal income tax collection has risen from 37.4% in FY14 to 51.8% in FY24. A large part of this collection could be attributed to non-corporate business income, which is taxed as personal income in the hands of proprietors of the small businesses. Many of these individuals have come into the tax net, post implementation of GST. 

No free food at taxpayers’ expense

The popular narrative is that the government is spending taxpayers’ money to provide free food to 800 million people to lure them to vote for it. This may not be true. The subsidy bill of the central government has been reduced from 14% of GDP in FY14 to just 2% of GDP in FY24.

The food security subsidy in India has actually reduced from 1.1% of GDP (Rs1250bn) in FY14 to 0.7% of GDP (Rs2123bn) in FY24.

I am not writing this to support or oppose any government or political party. I just want to put the record straight and avoid getting carried by the narrative being built on social media.

Also read

Myth of tax-free agriculture income

Addressing the Student’s Union of London School of Economics and Political Science in 1923, Bertrand Russell said, “One of the peculiarities of the English-speaking world is its immense interest and belief in political parties. A very large percentage of English-speaking people really believe that the ills from which they suffer would be cured if a certain political party were in power. That is a reason for the swing of the pendulum. A man votes for one party and remains miserable; he concludes that it is the other party that was to bring the millennium. By the time he is disenchanted with all parties, he is an old man on the verge of death; his sons retain the belief of his youth, and the see-saw goes on.”