Mr. Donald Trump has chosen to take some time before speaking with his Indian counterpart Mr. Narendra Modi. Trump has chosen to call the Chinese premier Xi Jinping, even before his inauguration. Prime Minister Modi has apparently sent a written congratulatory message to Trump, instead of calling him. This small pause in the top-level communication has triggered a debate about the shape of Indo-US relations in the near future.
In my view, before drawing any conclusion from Trump’s pause, and writing obituaries of the Indo-US strategic partnership, we must study the evolution of Indo-US relationships. This relationship has evolved over the past 75 years. It is primarily based on mutual need and shared democratic values, and goes much beyond the personal equation of individual leaders.
Prologue
The foundation of Indo-US was laid during the 1949 visit of Prime Minister Nehru’s visit to the US and meeting with President Henry Truman. Nehru was welcomed by everyone he met during his multi week stay in the US. However, Not much was achieved in diplomatic and economic terms.
Ten years later, President Eisenhower visited India for five days, in 1959. He addressed the Parliament and expressed “deep satisfaction at the friendly and cordial relations existing between their two countries, and their firm belief that their common ideals and objectives and their quest for peace will ensure the maintenance and development of the strong ties of friendship between the two countries.” Again, the Indo-US relations did not move beyond exchanging pleasantries.
The first chapter
India co-founded the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961, taking a neutral stand in the cold-war between the USSR and the US. 1962 was an important year in the evolution of Indo-US relationship. This year, the U.S. Agency for International Development signed the Kanpur Indo-American Program to help in the establishment of the first IIT. The program included deployment of American faculty members to develop academic programs and research laboratories at the new university over the next decade. Later, President Kennedy supported India in the Indo-China conflict, recognizing McMahon Line and also providing air assistance and arms. Next year, in 1963 Norman Borlaug, a renowned US Agronomist, visited India and laid the foundation of the Green Revolution. India also benefited from wheat imports from the US under PL-480 “food for peace” program during the 1960s.
1965 saw a material deterioration in the US-Indo relationship as Washington sided with Islamabad in the second major Indo-Pak conflict. The situation worsened further in 1970’s when President Nixon sided with Islamabad during the 1971 Indo-Pak war. This was the time when India signed a 20 year “Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation” with the USSR. The relationship deteriorated further in 1974 when India became the first non UNSC permanent member to conduct a nuclear test.
A reproachment effort started in 1978, after Mrs. Gandhi was defeated in the 1977 general elections. President Carter visited India and Prime Minister Desai reciprocated with a 6-day visit to Washington. However, with the US enacting the Nuclear Nonproliferation Act in 1978, the process was derailed.
Prime Minister Gandhi made another attempt to revive Indo-US relations during her visit to Washington in 1982. She and President Regan largely agreed to increase cooperation and resolve a dispute over nuclear power. Vice president Bush (Sr.) led a high level visit to New Delhi to explore areas of cooperation. However, 1984 Bhopal Gas tragedy again derailed the process.
Post the end of the cold war (1989), for a few years, India and the US had a good working relationship. Prime Minister Rao unleashed substantial economic reforms and expanded economic ties with the US. However, things turned for the worse in the summer of 1998, when prime Minister Vajpayee surprised the US intelligence agencies with a nuclear test and announced India as a full-fledged nuclear power. President Clinton recalled his ambassador to India and imposed severe economic sanctions on India.
A year later in 1999, President Clinton called Pakistan Prime Minister Sharif and nudged him to end the Kargil conflict immediately. In the year 2000, Clinton became the first US President to Visit India since 1978. The visit marked the first step toward forming a durable Indo-US strategic relationship. Clinton agreed to not make signing of CTBT a precondition for Indo-US economic cooperation. The Indo-U.S. Science and Technology Forum was established during this trip, which also marked the beginning of the end of the Cold-War strategic US-Pak alliance. President Bush lifted all US sanctions on India in 2001.
Second chapter
In 2005 a new chapter in the Indo-US relations started. Both countries signed the New Framework for the U.S.-India Defense Relationship, which set priorities for defense cooperation in maritime security, humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, and counterterrorism. They also inked the Civil Nuclear Cooperation Initiative, a framework that lifts a three-decade U.S. moratorium on nuclear energy trade with India. Under the agreement, India agrees to separate its civil and military nuclear facilities and place all its civil resources under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. In exchange, the United States agrees to work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India. (The US Congress and Indian Parliament ratified this deal in 2008.) In October 2005, both countries jointly conducted the largest naval exercise to date, followed by major air and land exercises.
In 2006, President Bush visited India and finalized, with Prime Minister Singh, Singh finalized the framework of the civil nuclear deal and boosted security and economic ties. The nuclear deal made India the only country outside of the Nonproliferation Treaty that has nuclear capabilities and is allowed to participate in nuclear commerce.
In 2007, an 18year old ban on import of Indian mangoes to the US was lifted, marking the beginning of an effort to double the Indo-US trade within three years. Bilateral trade in goods and services totaled around $45 billion in 2006 and rose to more than $70 billion in 2010.
In 2008, Chandrayaan-1 became the first Indian spacecraft to land on the moon. It carried two scientific instruments designed by NASA scientists, marking a significant progress in Indo-US space cooperation (an agreement that existed since 1963).
Third chapter
In 2010, India and the US convened the first U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue. Secretary Clinton lauds India as “an indispensable partner” and President Obama claimed the relationship “will be a defining partnership in the twenty-first century.” President Obama visited India in November. He addressed the Parliament and backed the country’s long-held bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. He announced $14.9 billion in trade deals.
In 2012, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta visited India to bolster military ties. Next year (2013), Prime Minister Singh visited Washington to meet President Obama for the third time in four years to discuss important issues such as security, trade, immigration reform, and the civilian nuclear deal.
In 2014, President Obama invited Prime Minister Modi to the White House. President Obama made his second visit to India in 2015 as Chief Guest at Republic Day celebrations. Ten-year U.S.-India Defense Framework Agreement was renewed for another ten years.
In 2016, the US elevated India to a “major defense partner”, a status no other country holds. This enabled India to enjoy some of the benefits of being a U.S. treaty ally, such as access to defense technology.
In 2017, Prime Minister Modi visited the US to meet President Trump, who raised sharp disagreements with India over trade, climate change, and H-1B visas. Regardless, their joint statement emphasizes strengthening their defense partnership, cooperating on counterterrorism efforts, and boosting economic ties.
In 2018, during a “two-plus-two” dialogue in New Delhi an the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) was signed allowing India access to advanced communication technology used in U.S. defense equipment and allows real-time information sharing between the two countries’ militaries.
Fourth chapter
In 2018, the Indo-US relations took a turn towards the south. President Trump terminated India’s preferential trade status, part of a 50yr old program that allows products from developing countries to enter the U.S. market duty free. Trump claimed India has not provided “equitable and reasonable access” to its own market. In retaliation, India slapped tariffs on twenty-eight U.S. products.
In 2020, President Trump made his first official visit to India. India agreed to purchase US$3bn worth of military equipment. However, the two countries could not resolve pending trade issues. Opinions remained divided over agricultural products, tariffs, and other areas.
In 2020 the first in-person meeting of Quad was held, and President Biden hosted Prime Minister Modi for the first time.
In 2023, the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET), an agreement that aims to expand bilateral technology and defense cooperation is announced. As part of the deal, U.S. officials seek to reduce India's purchase of Russian arms.
Fifth Chapter
I guess, President Trump might look to begin a fresh chapter in the Indo-US relations. Early indicators are pointing that he may look to base the mutual relationship on equality. So far, the US has played the role of a dominant partner helping India to grow faster. President Trump may now seek to rebase the relationship seeking full reciprocity from India on key economic, trade and technology issues.
The Indo-US relationship henceforth may become purely transactional, shedding the pretense of strategic partnership. The Trump 2.0 administration would negotiate hard on tariff concessions; preference in defense and energy procurement; resolution of contentious issues like agriculture tariffs. The US negotiators might use the façade of freedom of speech & religion, persecution of minorities etc. as key negotiating tools.
It will obviously be a tough & volatile transition; especially when the domestic economy is passing through a challenging downcycle. During the previous transitory phases (1970s and Late 1990s), India managed well. Hope this time will not be different. Till then keeping fingers crossed, seat belt tightened, and store filled with emergency supplies.