Thursday, March 26, 2015

Land" does not get you votes, "No Land" does - II

Thought for the day
"From the solemn gloom of the temple children run out to sit in the dust, God watches them play and forgets the priest."
-          Rabindranath Tagore (Indian, 1861-1941)
Word for the day
Furtherance (n)
The act of furthering; promotion; advancement.
(Source: Dictionary.com)
Teaser for the day
There should be a gap of three month between election results and swearing in of MP/MLAs.
These three months may be used to impart extensive training to elected representatives in public policy, foreign and federal relations, public speaking, constitution, etc.

Land" does not get you votes, "No Land" does - II

The politically aided agitation over the land acquisition issue has three clear dimensions:
1.     It has provided a common cause to parties and politicians who have been struggling to regain the ground they have yielded to Narendra Modi led BJP in recent times.
2.     It has provided an opportunity to the medium and large farmers to seek maximization of compensation in lieu of their land which is not commercially viable for agriculture due to miniscule yield as compared to current land prices.
3.     It threatens to expose politicians who have indulged in "insider trading" in land acquisition in past.
       Prior to 2013 LARR Act, land acquisition used to be a surprise for the land owners. They would usually come to know about it when the statutory notification was published.
       The "insiders" who would get to know the project details much in advance would accumulate the land in surrounding areas, and sell at much higher prices once the project and the land acquisition was notified. This had been a cause of discontent amongst farmers who were tricked to sell their land cheaper just before the road or industrial project was announced. Barmer in Rajasthan, NOIDA/Mathura in UP, and Gurgaon/Jhhajar in Haryana could just be some small case studies of this phenomenon.
Let me explain the economics of agriculture in India to explain my point:
(a)   The average cultivable land price in 50-100km radius of a city or large industrial project is about Rs5lac/acre, It may though vary between Rs. 1 lac to Rs. 5crore/acre depending upon the location.
       The crop on the land yields less than Rs75000/year for a medium and large farmer. Assuming 2 crops every year, for a small and marginal farmer the yield is Rs25000 to Rs50000 per acre/year, excluding the cost of self labor.
       Pertinent to note here is that a typical landless, marginal or small farmer household deploys 3-4 adults for 6 months in the farm. At ~Rs3000/month minimum wage rate the cost of self labor itself comes to about Rs55000-75000/year.
       If we adjust the yield for one crop loss every three year, lease rent and 18-24% interest that small and marginal farmer pays, agriculture is usually unviable business.
       If we factor in rising labor cost, lower subsidy in input prices (fertilizer, electricity, diesel and water) and slower rise in MSP, the viability gap will likely only increase going forward.
(b)   A large majority of farmer households in India are landless or marginal. Many of these farmers take land on lease. The rent varies from Rs5000/acre to 50% of produce. A lost crop puts such farmers in a debt trap that may take minimum 3years to get out.
       Many of these farmers do agriculture for sustenance. They grow wheat or rice for self consumption only.
       A proper implementation of Food Security Law will ensure food for them at minimal cost. In such a scenario, they will anyway have no motivation to engage in land cultivation.
       Remember, the Gen X of these farmers is no longer enamored by the feeling of Dharti Meri Mata Hai (my land is my mother). The next generation of landless, marginal and small farmers is therefore least likely to prefer agriculture over construction or industrial labor.(Availability of agriculture labor is likely to shrink even further from the current alarming levels).
(c)   Given the low returns, the current generation of medium and large farmers is also not much interested in taking up farming as occupation. Most would want to sell the land or convert it into non-agriculture land.
So, as we can see the reason for farmers' agitation is not that they do not want to sell their land. It is the quantum of compensation that is the issue.
Fighting for this cause could have yielded dividend for AAP in Delhi, because here the farmers are large and rich. Extrapolating this to national level may not work. In fact it may prove counterproductive as this will only alienate the agriculture labor.
A better electoral agenda for the welfare of rural population might therefore be, inter alia:
(a)   Faster and full implementation of food security law.
(b)   Higher wages under MNREGA.
(c)   Better faculties and wages for migrant construction and industrial labor.
(d)   Stringent enforcement of Banami Transcations law to unearth Benami agriculture land in violation of Land ceiling laws and redistribution of such land to landless and marginal farmers.
(e)   Mandatory requirement of employment to landless farmers displaced by the project under consideration.

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