Last month the incumbent NDA government completed nine years in power with BJP having full majority in the Lok Sabha on its own. In the 2014 general election, it was after three decades (post the landslide win of the Congress party led by Rajiv Gandhi in 1984) that a single party (BJP) had secured over half the seats in the Lok Sabha. Obviously, the people had great hopes from the new government that has won their confidence on the promises of a corruption free regime with equal opportunities (Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas).
For the 5years (2014-2019) the Indian economy (Real GDP) grew at a CAGR of ~7.4%, slightly better than the CAGR of ~7.1% during the previous five-year term (2009-2014). In 2019, the BJP returned to power with an even larger majority. During the first four years of the current term, the Indian economy has grown at a CAGR of 3.1%, the slowest pace of growth achieved by any government in the post liberalization (1991) era.
The best growth trajectory was seen during UPA-1 tenure when the economy managed to grow at a CAGR of 8.52% (2004-09). This was perhaps the outcome of massive reforms implemented by the preceding NDA-1 government (1998-2004); in which monopolies of the government over the core sectors like power, mobile telecom, coal, roads, oil & gas, airports, ports, etc. were divested. NDA-1 also implemented massive investment-oriented policy initiatives like SEZ, NHDP, PMGSY, Missile & GPS development, UMPP, NELP, etc. that led to accelerated investment and growth in the following decade.
The UPA government (2004-2014) earnestly took forward the reforms initiated by the NDA-1. It substantially liberalized the FDI regime; signed the Civil Nuclear Deal to usher a new era of strategic partnership with NATO & NSG; and introduced the first universal basic income scheme in the form of MNREGA and food security scheme in the form of National Food Security Act 2013.
Most important, it laid the foundation of complete digitization of the Indian economy in the ensuing decades by creating robust platforms like UIDAI (Aadhar) and NPCI (UPI, Fastag etc.); and laying an aggressive roadmap for financial inclusion in the budget speech of FY11 in accordance with the recommendation of the Rangarajan committee (2008).
The financial inclusion roadmap required banks to reach 73,000 rural habitations with a population of over 2000 by March 2012, using information and communication technology-based models and banking intermediaries (Business Correspondents). RuPay – an Indian domestic debit card, introduced on 26 March 2012 by the NPCI was a key landmark in this journey. Basic Savings Bank Deposit Account (BSBDA) along with BC proved extremely successful in increasing the total number of banking touch points from ~67k in FY10 to 586k in FY16 (RBI Annual Report FY17). (BSBDA was rechristened as Jan Dhan Yojna- PMJDY with enhancement of scope to include some other financial services within its ambit.)
The UPA government also introduced The Constitution (115th Amendment) Bill, 2011 to implement a common nationwide GST based on Ajit Kelkar committee (year 2000) recommendations; though the bill could not be passed due to opposition from other parties. The UPA government also introduced The Real Estate Regulatory Authority (RERA) Bill in August 2013. The bill was referred to the standing committee of the parliament, which submitted its report after considering public comments in February 2014. The Bill therefore could not be passed during UPA-2 tenure.
It could be argued that sub-optimal performance of the economy in the past four years is primarily due to the impact of Covid-19 pandemic that shutdown the economy for almost 6 months in 2020. In my view, however, the argument could be accepted only as partially valid. Most previous regimes had also witnessed massive disruptions and displacements like the financial sector crisis (failure of UTI, ICICI, IDBI, ICICI etc.); Asian currency crisis (1997), global economic sanctions post 1998 nuclear tests; dotcom burst; global financial crisis (2008-2010); energy inflation due to wars in the Middle East Asia; banking crisis due to collapse of infrastructure sector that was used to stimulate the economy since 1998 with numerous unsustainable projects; political instability (three election in three years 1996-1998); Kargil War; incoherent political alliances (especially UF, NDA-1, UPA-1) etc. Despite all this, most governments could achieve a higher growth rate than what we have seen in 2019-2023.
It is evident from the pace of highway construction, digitization of the economy, financial inclusion, and extension of universal basic income schemes, etc., that the incumbent government has pursued the programs and policies initiated by the previous governments and continued to build upon the platforms created by his predecessors. Schemes like PLI have also set ambitious targets; even though the results so far have not been encouraging.
However, we have not seen any transformative policy initiative that can lend the necessary velocity to the economy to catapult it into a higher orbit. There is little progress in the areas of agriculture reforms, disinvestment etc. Fiscal sustainability has remained compromised, as the debt burden has continued to increase. The private capex has mostly remained evasive due poor demand conditions and risk averseness of banks. Though the situation has shown marked improvement in the past 15-18months. The price situation has remained volatile, mostly governed by external factors like global prices of commodities and weather conditions. There is little evidence to show that the government and/or RBI have any plan in place to control the volatility in prices.
In my view, however, the worst aspect of the current regime has been the failure to ensure adequate employment, especially in the manufacturing sector. More on this tomorrow.
